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The concluding chapter suggests that this involves appreciation not only of what Peter Redfield (2005) calls the ‘minimalist biopolitics’ of humanitarian intervention, but also the ways in which ‘another politics of life’ is constituted on the basis of shared precariousness (please also see Chapter 2). Humanitarian border politics as a field of contested action is thus an exemplary site for a more-than-human appreciation of post/humanitarian border struggles. Where humanitarianism engages ‘the human’ as a political stake, it potentially opens up a politics of life in the face of a lethal politics of control in terms that involve more than simply the minimal preservation of life.

2 During the early 2000s, however, numbers of maquiladoras did drop, reflecting the emergence of new cheap labour markets at a broader scale. 3 This report has recently been updated from an earlier 2009 report authored by Lee Hudson Teslik, which was much more critical of NAFTA than the revised version. 4 Figures are based on those accessed from the World Bank website, http://data. org on 8 April 2014. org/ fact-tank/2014/07/22/children-12-and-under-are-fastest-growing-group-ofunaccompanied-minors-at-u-s-border/ on 16 August 2014.

Squire defines humanitarian politics as struggles that engage ‘the human’ as a political stake. The chapter highlights the importance of an approach that focuses on such struggles rather than solely upon humanitarian ethics or on humanitarian government. Existing approaches across the related fields of border and migration studies risk evading an interrogation of the category of ‘the human’ by focusing on the problematic of political agency. This leads to a recurring concern regarding agency as that which is ‘given and denied’.

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